Dissatisfaction with the state of politics and the distribution, use and accountability of power is now widespread in many western countries. Symptoms include, in their different ways, Donald Trump’s campaign in the United States presidential election, Jeremy Corbyn’s election as leader of the British Labour Party, the success of UKIP in the 2015 general election, the debate on the referendum for the UK to leave or remain in the European Union, and the rise of radical parties in several European countries.
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Specific concerns include the claims that, especially in England, the electoral system can no longer be relied upon to produce parliaments or governments that are representative of the country as a whole; that the judiciary are unrepresentative and too powerful; and that power is disproportionately in the hands of a “metropolitan” or Oxbridge elite which is “out of touch” and “doesn’t listen”.
Governments and parliament are seen as having lost power to globalised financial interests, multinational corporations and the EU. Nervous debates take place about the nature of British “identity” and its supposed loss.
Suspicion and sometimes hostility are directed towards those who do not “belong”. Governments pursue policies that focus more on financial management, structural reform and the use of technology than on their benefits to the nation or their potentially profound social and economic consequences.
In public debate, reports in the media often show more interest in personalities (“setback for Cameron”, “boost for Osborne”) than in the issues themselves. Reforms are proposed to address some of those concerns, but there is no consensus about them and they will not be in place any time soon.
The civil service and other public services have themselves been subject to profound change. Constant reorganisation, changing patterns of careers, new forms of appraisal and incentives together with increasing competition, commercialisation and privatisation have weakened their sense of continuity and identity and their departmental memories. Some would say “and a good thing too”, and some changes have been undoubtedly been needed.
But in such a fluid situation, it is more than ever necessary that government and public services should have the confidence of the citizens they serve, and that they should be seen as not only efficient but also as having legitimacy and humanity, and as being responsible, fair and accountable to the public. People’s experience of government and its services, how they think and feel they have been treated, may be just as important as the policies themselves.
The UK still thinks of itself as a liberal democracy based on principles such as the sovereignty of parliament, the independence of the judiciary, the impartiality of the civil service, freedom of speech and the right to a fair trial. Ministers and civil servants are guided by their respective codes, members of professions by the relevant codes and standards, and all public servants by the seven Nolan Principles of Public Life – selflessness, integrity, objectivity, accountability, openness, honesty and leadership. But codes and principles count for nothing unless they are lived and enacted in people’s every day actions and experiences. How that is done receives much less attention.
Those who exercise power on behalf of the state, whether as ministers, administrators, managers and practitioners, might be guided by the following:
- Treat everyone with respect for their humanity and identity. Do not antagonise or humiliate anyone unnecessarily.
- Acknowledge evidence and respect expertise. Extend the range, depth and quality of evidence and expert advice, rather than appealing instead to “common sense” or “what the public wants”.
- Work for a culture of continuous, self-motivated improvement. Avoid constant change for its own sake. Recognise that organisations can only cope with a limited number of new initiatives at a time.
- Encourage people to have a sense of ownership of what they do, to do things because they believe in them and not just because they have been told to do them.
- Recognise that human nature is complicated and people’s motivation may not be straightforward. Don’t base policies on simplistic assumptions about incentives and deterrence.
- Accept the limitations of feasibility and affordability, but overcome them if you can.
- Respect and listen to those who care about what you’re doing, even if you may not agree with them. Be ready to look and listen, and not just to the loudest or most insistent voices.
- Give credit where it’s due. Thank people and congratulate them when you can.
- Remember that something may be the right thing to do, even if it doesn’t meet the tests for effectiveness or tick all the boxes.
- Use simple language which respects the audience and avoids jargon, clichés and slogans. Do not stereotype or stigmatise people living in poverty, migrants or offenders. Avoid the language of confrontation and warfare.
- Try to find something good even in the most unpromising situations.
And especially for ministers:
- Keep a sense of proportion. When things go wrong, don’t overreact or raise false expectations. Don’t think you always have to intervene or claim you have a solution.
- Encourage local initiatives and promote local accountability and responsibility. Delegate and devolve, including to local authorities where possible. Be serious about it.
- Don’t buy time by making promises you or your successor may come to regret.
- Don’t legislate unless you have to. Don’t use the criminal law to “send a message” or for operational convenience, or to show that the government is “doing something”. Don’t allow legislation passed for one purpose to be used for another. Do your “due diligence” before introducing a new initiative. Try to make sure you’ve identified what may be the unintended consequences and have prepared for them.
- If you do decide to legislate, make sure that the need for legislation and its content are fully and openly discussed before it is introduced, and then that it is thoroughly scrutinised by parliament.
Those are not matters for formal rules or codes, nor should they be matters of party political dispute. They are or should be part of an understanding about decency and good behaviour, part of “how we do things here” and perhaps of “British identity”. Some of them may seem obvious. But they are easily set aside under pressures to comply, compete and perform, and the country would suffer if that were to happen.